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OUR FIGHT

 

Progressive Labor Party (PLP) fights to destroy capitalism and the dictatorship of the capitalist class. We organize workers, soldiers and youth into a revolutionary movement for communism.

Only the dictatorship of the working class — communism — can provide a lasting solution to the disaster that is today’s world for billions of people. This cannot be done through electoral politics, but requires a revolutionary movement and a mass Red Army led by PLP.

Worldwide capitalism, in its relentless drive for profit, inevitably leads to war, fascism, poverty, disease, starvation and environmental destruction. The capitalist class, through its state power — governments, armies, police, schools and culture —  maintains a dictatorship over the world’s workers. The capitalist dictatorship supports, and is supported by, the anti-working-class ideologies of racism, sexism, nationalism, individualism and religion.

While the bosses and their mouthpieces claim “communism is dead,” capitalism is the real failure for billions worldwide. Capitalism returned to Russia and China because socialism retained many aspects of the profit system, like wages and privileges. Russia and China did not establish communism.

Communism means working collectively to build a worker-run society. We will abolish work for wages, money and profits. Everyone will share in society’s benefits and burdens. 

Communism means abolishing racism and the concept of “race.” Capitalism uses racism to super-exploit black, Latino, Asian and indigenous workers, and to divide the entire working class.

Communism means abolishing the special oppression of women — sexism — and divisive gender roles created by the class society.

Communism means abolishing nations and nationalism. One international working class, one world, one Party.

Communism means that the minds of millions of workers must become free from religion’s false promises, unscientific thinking and poisonous ideology. Communism will triumph when the masses of workers can use the science of dialectical materialism to understand, analyze and change the world to meet their needs and aspirations.

  Communism means the Party leads every aspect of society. For this to work, millions of workers — eventually everyone — must become communist organizers. Join Us!

 

 

 

 

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Saturday
Jan222022

Wally Meets Red China

The following is adapted from Wally Linder’s memoir, A Life of Labor and Love:
In the early 1970s, Progressive Labor Party saw the Chinese Communists as the main revolutionary hope for the future. The Party shipped them nearly a thousand issues of every issue of CHALLENGE. The official Chinese news agency would begin every article on events in the U.S. with, “U.S. Challenge says….”
To have more direct contact, it was proposed that I travel to Geneva to talk with China’s ambassador.
This was years before Richard Nixon established relations with the Chinese—or before PLP oncluded that China was going the way of the Soviet Union and becoming what is now the world’s second biggest capitalist economy. My trip had to be secret, even from my own family. How to tell my wife Esther that I would be gone for a week doing Party work? I told her I had to meet with our comrades in San Francisco.I flew to Paris and took a cab to the train station to travel to Geneva. After renting a hotel room near the Chinese ambassador’s residence, I walked there to meet their officials. I was greeted by the ambassador and sat down to a delicious seven-course meal of Chinese dishes, ones I had never encountered in Brooklyn.
Afterwards, the ambassador asked me about my experiences as a communist in the U.S. I told him about my 11 years on the railroad and answered questions about the Party’s ongoing activities. I told him we wanted to have closer relations with the Chinese Party; the ambassador said he would report our discussions to Peking and get back to me soon. He then suggested I rent a car and become a “tourist” for a week before returning to get the answer from Peking.
This was my first trip anywhere beyond the U.S. and Canada. I decided to drive over the Alps to Italy. I arrived in Milan and took in the sights, especially the outdoor debates in the central square, and ate some delicious Italian food. I then returned to Geneva to receive the reply from Peking, which I would take back to New York.
By the time I got back to Brooklyn, two weeks had elapsed—a week longer than I’d told Esther I’d be gone. By the eighth day of my trip, she’d been getting concerned about what was happening “in San Francisco,” so she asked our chairperson Milt how to get in touch with me. Somehow he convinced her he couldn’t phone me because I had gone down to Mexico to exchange experiences with the famous communist painter, David Siqueiros, who had strong ties with Mexico’s railroad workers.
When I finally arrived back in Brooklyn, I apologized to Esther and stuck with the Mexico story. Later that spring, however, she was gathering clothes for the cleaners when lo and behold, she plucked my passport from an inside jacket pocket—and found entries for Paris and Geneva. She confronted me and said, “What’s all this?” Now that it was all over, I felt obliged to explain the whole business. At first she was suspicious, but then she relented.  Her last words on the subject were: “Why couldn’t you take me with you?”

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